Colonialism remains alive and well
Last August, as the U.S. withdrew from Afghanistan and the Taliban took power, Washington seized $7 billion in assets from Afghanistan's central bank. The resulting saga reveals military industrial corruption that demands accountability.
After a mounting outcry, the Biden administration last week agreed to release half of the funds. Yet the administration continues to drag its feet, pointing the finger at domestic courts resolving claims by the families of 9/11 victims.
At no point in this saga have Washington’s actions been defensible. From the fraud pervading 20 years of war waged on Afghanistan, to the decision to seize its assets in the first place, U.S. foreign policy has reflected a continuing bipartisan commitment to neocolonial resource extraction and impunity for human rights violations.
Even the recent decision to subject Afghanistan’s funds to domestic court proceedings reeks of corruption. No Afghans were involved in the 9/11 attacks, which were perpetrated by Saudi hijackers. Saudi Arabia, meanwhile, remains the beneficiary of U.S. weapon sales enabling an ongoing genocide in Yemen.
The hypocrisy is even worse than that. Biden not only seized Afghanistan’s central reserves, but also imposed crippling sanctions targeting not the government, but the civilian population. As a result, the New York Times estimated that “22.8 million people—more than half the country’s population—are expected to face potentially life-threatening food insecurity this winter.”
Even worse, the administration officials who engineered these disturbing policies include at least one lawyer poised to reap a personal financial windfall by representing the 9/11 families seeking Afghanistan’s funds in federal court. The dimensions of corruption in Washington compound each other, constructing a whole worse than the sum of its parts.
Many Americans ignore foreign policy, focusing instead on domestic social needs that impact our communities here at home. A recent survey by journalist Henry Norr documented that pattern even among candidates for Congress, while specifically citing our campaign among the exceptions to that disappointing rule. As an immigrant, I find political myopia more than merely disturbing.
It may seem reasonable for voters to be most concerned about the issues that directly impact them and their families, but that focus obscures a perverse irony. Only U.S. voters have any influence at all over the military industrial complex that subjects civilian populations around the world to occupation, random acts of arbitrary lethal violence, and the corporate resource extraction that has tragically accelerated global climate chaos.
Our race to end the Pelosi dynasty is motivated by more than politics, including a commitment to human rights, democracy, and accountability. Each of those principles are routinely violated with bipartisan support, which is why we so desperately need civilian oversight of the Pentagon, Washington & Wall Street's extended military industrial complex, and the pattern of war, resource extraction, and climate chaos that they together enable.
Can you join us to end the 34-year career of an oligarch complicit in ongoing colonialism?
For 20 years, I’ve taken direct action to challenge Bush’s fraudulent wars. For that entire time, Americans who pay attention have been outraged by Nancy Pelosi choosing to fund them.
While grateful that Biden formally ended the last of them, we're disturbed by the seizure of Afghanistan‘s central reserves. It represents not only a continuation of Bush-era colonialism, but also profound cowardice and corruption. It’s also ironic: the funds had been held in the United States in order to keep them secure, yet it was the United States that ultimately stole them.
Washington knows no shame, or limit to the extent of its public hypocrisy.
That hypocrisy, however, relies on the political deference of Congress, which has routinely rubberstamped every proposed military spending increase of the past generation, while failing to hold accountable agencies from NSA to CIA that continue to undermine the rights of foreigners and Americans alike.
I frequently call out corruption, which emerges in many forms. Its most direct reflection is congressional insider trading, but a foreign policy establishment that wages fraudulent wars, and then steals from governments in crisis while their citizens starve, is no less corrupt. Its abuses abroad are simply less visible, since the impacts of our actions are felt halfway across the globe.
Our campaign is running up the steepest hill in politics because solidarity—either with the future or with other countries—demands it. We’re grateful for the solidarity that you & our thousands of other supporters have shown with us!
Your voice,
Shahid
Waging war on the Democratic Party’s corruption
While every day on the campaign trail is different from the next, one thing that seems to remain true in politics is that things change quickly. We’re grateful this week to stand in a remarkably different position than we did only just a few weeks ago, when many observers still falsely presumed that Pelosi would retire, creating an open seat.
The various career politicians described as her potential replacements in the press are all committed to their careers before the issues, which is why none of them are willing to face the incumbent.
Earlier this week, Business Insider published a profile about me and our 2022 campaign observing our long history of calling out conflicts of interest, particularly insider trading by Members of Congress.
The article explores congressional insider trading, quoting me as saying, “She spent 34 years enriching herself at the public's expense. And this is how.”
While Buttar...said he's glad the rest of the world has finally caught up, he's also apoplectic that it took everyone so long. He called Pelosi out about her finances in April 2021, inquiring on social media whether she was serving "her constituents or her $140-million portfolio."
"This is unapologetic, open corruption," Buttar said.…
"It's a conflict of interest that invites corporate influence into their substantive decision making," he said of the status quo, casting the fossil fuels distributors, drug makers, and defense contractors packed into lawmakers' financial portfolios as powerful puppeteers.
"Members of Congress are more committed to those industries than their constituents precisely because they make money off it," Buttar said. "It is that simple."
Then, just this morning, SF Gate published a profile and lengthy Q&A making clear our position vis-a-vis the Democratic Party.
The SF Gate story was notable for several reasons. First, it reviews reports long suppressed by San Francisco journalists aligned with the Democratic Party, exposing a smear campaign orchestrated to insulate an oligarch from public accountability.
It also featured our critique of the incumbent, and the better alternatives that we offer on policy issues. SF Gate quoted me as saying:
[D]o voters want the same voice that has steered our country into a ditch for 34 years while filling her pockets at the public's expense? Or do we want an advocate who has long stood for our communities? Plenty of people who've stood for our communities get smeared. Ilhan Omar is smeared routinely. Dr. King got smeared. Malcolm X got smeared. If you stand for truth against an establishment, you get smeared. They only smear you if they fear you.
And the Democratic establishment has good reason to fear me because on six different occasions in 2020 I won things bigger than a congressional seat: We shifted the speaker of the House on critical policy issues.
While many voters have grown disillusioned with the voices of politicians who claim support for progressive principles when convenient, SF Gate also highlighted what makes me different than every politician in Washington:
I'm not afraid of a fight. I mean, they've done everything short of killing me to shut me up. Every kind of lie you could imagine, leveraging racial stereotypes and religious stereotypes….
[I]n 2022, I understand that I have to run against [Pelosi], the party, and all of its sycophants in institutions, sadly, including the press.
Power concedes nothing without a demand. I’ve always been willing to make the demands, but their force and strength depends on your support.
That’s why, together, we were able to force change on the House of Representatives in 2020 on six major policy issues. With your continued help, I’m confident that similar success is the least we can expect in 2022.
As I’m fond of saying, I’m happy to continue pushing Pelosi on policy issues…until we push her out of her seat.
Thanks so much for standing with me!
Your voice,
Shahid
Our concerns informing mass media
My proudest moments as a candidate for public office have been when strangers approach me in public to thank me for having taught them something about policy, law, history, or movement building. It happened in the grocery store just the other day!
I’m more than happy to share analysis through every channel available, from social media to the streets. Opportunities to inform voters through mass media have also helped carry my voice far beyond our campaign’s reach.
Can you join us today to help me reach—and teach—more voters?
Last Wednesday, I joined a livestream with Punch Up Pod, hosted by Leila Charles Leigh and Pat the Berner. Our discussion addressed included my explanation of how the dynamics driven by congressional insider trading essentially amount to “capitalism eating democracy.”
My interview with Farron Cousins from Ring of Fire posted last Friday dug further into the controversy surrounding insider trading by members of Congress, and the many ways in which it insulates corporate power in Washington. We discussed how, “When we talk about congressional insider trading, we’re talking about the corruption of two different things at once: both the marketplace, and Congress.”
Just yesterday, Business Insider quoted me in a story exploring insider trading by Members of Congress:
In Pelosi's own California congressional district, Democratic socialist Shahid Buttar is hammering the House speaker on her stock ban reluctance as part of his...attempt to upend her in the 2022 midterms.
Democratic leaders' resistance to a congressional stock trade ban, Buttar told Insider, reveals their willingness to "prioritize capitalism over democracy.
"That preference, and Pelosi's history of putting her stock portfolio before the public interest, violate the oath of office and demand accountability," he said.
Ultimately, the corruption that we’re concerned about infects every conceivable area of federal policy.
For instance, when corporate policymakers divide their loyalties between the public and their private portfolios, the resulting conflict of interest constrains them from even considering ideas like nationalizing the fossil fuel sector. That’s all the more reason we need to end corporate corruption and recover popular control over our federal policymaking apparatus.
By working to end the Pelosi dynasty and support a long overdue ban on congressional insider trading, we’re working to help in more ways than one.
Thanks for standing with us! Your help makes a crucial difference.
Shahid
Labor leaders and corporate Democrats vs. rank & file workers
Democrats in Washington work hard every day on behalf of their corporate donors to evade public scrutiny and pull proverbial wool over the eyes of the public. While that pattern continues, we’re excited to share a case study of how anyone can make a difference and help force accountability.
Can you join us today to help hold Pelosi accountable in more settings?
This week, the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) endorsed the leading corporate Democrat in the House, Nancy Pelosi. The Union did so without any debate, a public vote, or any chance for its members to inform a decision driven by union leaders ultimately deferring to corporate influence.
It’s frankly foolish for SEIU to endorse Pelosi, for any number of reasons that a long overdue debate would make clear: SEIU members are among the most meagerly compensated members of any major union, and Pelosi is a mega-millionaire policymaker with a continuing history of insider trading, denying support to working families, and engineering tax breaks for the wealthy.
That’s why I was so grateful to be invited by rank & file union members who support our campaign to the virtual meeting announcing the union’s endorsement. It offered an important chance to inform members about the facts that apparently neither the party, nor union leaders, want them to hear.
Can you help expand our capacity to leverage more creative opportunities to reach voters?
While the format of the event did not permit me to speak, we posted an analysis in the zoom chat that members never got to hear. The union leadership disabled the chat in response.
Here’s what I posted before Pelosi’s enablers cut me off:
“Pelosi has been working for decades to put Wall Street before working families. Her positions on healthcare, rent & mortgage relief, and congressional insider trading all prove the point.
She has never debated an opponent in 34 years. How many of you get to go so long without ever sitting for a job evaluation?
SEIU members deserve a chance to hear the alternatives before them, including a voice more committed to Green jobs, as well as human rights to basic human needs including healthcare, housing, and food.
Don't let the House continue to put the military industrial complex before our communities. You deserve better.
Demand it.”
The looks on their faces were priceless. But they’re no substitute for a debate.
Why are corporate Democrats—and their enablers in labor unions that should be dedicated to their members’ interests—so afraid of debate?
Had SEIU invited me to debate Pelosi, I would have emphasized a particular point of special interest to labor: that she & the Democratic establishment opposed the Protecting Right to Organize Act until spring 2020, when mounting support for our campaign forced her to abandon her previous opposition. I’m grateful that she caved, and hope that labor might recognize the distinction between solidarity and opportunism.
Many SEIU rank & file members have publicly shared their frustration with their union leadership denying them democracy. What other organizations have you seen defer to the Democratic Party machine in which that pattern of deference can be contested?
We’re eager to address any forums to help expose the corruption of the bipartisan corporate establishment. Please don’t every hesitate to reply with your suggestions!
Thanks for being part of the solution, and for helping us hold Washington accountable!
Shahid
A victory worth celebrating
Many different vectors infect our political process with corporate influence. While campaign finance and post-election lobbying have long drawn attention, however, the widespread practice of congressional insider trading has managed to largely evade public scrutiny.
Until now.
I grew concerned about the corporate corruption of Congress years before ever running for office. My first case as a baby lawyer back in 2003 focused on defending the “McCain-Feingold” Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act, which aimed to curtail corporate money in elections. The Supreme Court flipped our 2006 victory in Shays v FEC on its head with its Citizens United decision in 2010, and Pelosi’s role as a poster child of corporate influence was largely what motivated me to shift from non-profit advocacy to politics in 2018.
Our campaign has been hammering the issue of congressional conflicts of interest for years. We’ve raised the issue on social media, with voters in our field outreach, and also in grassroots actions, including one just three weeks ago that we organized at Pelosi’s downtown San Francisco office over the holidays.
Most voices concerned about congressional insider trading have expressed alarms about how it skews the marketplace. Pelosi claims the right to participate in a “free market,” conveniently ignoring how the information to which she has unique access as a policymaker confers a massive advantage.
That’s not only theoretical: her husband’s stock portfolio is notorious for beating the market. No Democrat in Congress secured a higher return on their investments last year than their political leader. That in itself is a glaring reflection of corruption.
While voices concerned about insider trading are right to call it out, they frankly downplay the harms it presents to the public. It is certainly true that allowing Members of Congress to trade stocks gives them an inherent advantage, undermining the fairness and efficiency of the marketplace.
But that’s just the tip of the iceberg.
Far worse than skewing the marketplace is dividing the loyalties of policymakers, inviting the open corruption of the policymaking process by incentivizing policymakers to prioritize not the needs of their constituents, but rather whatever decision will maximize the profits of the enterprises that they own.
Put another way: the harm to the market pales next to the even greater harm to democracy, and the legitimacy of each of those spheres in the face of co-optation by an oligarch.
Thanks again for helping to make this victory possible! To be frank, I take Pelosi’s comment with a pound of salt, and will believe she’s sincere when I see Congress pass a law to restrict congressional insider trading.
But while there remains more to do here, the public shift in her position represents a major concession to our demands.
I’m eager to see what else, working together, we can win.
Your voice,
Shahid
Remember MLK’s radical legacy
Every year, our nation poetically recalls Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. But most who remember Dr. King water down his legacy as a socialist critic of military industrial corruption. Liberals tend to recall his inspiring odes to color blindness, while conveniently overlooking his broader vision.
First, Dr. King issued blistering critiques of how racism, militarism, and capitalism intersect, as well as the complicity of “the white moderate” who settles for order at the cost of justice. While the civil rights movement that he helped lead is celebrated today for its victories, it was ultimately denied its most transformative goals.
Second, his experience at the hands of government intelligence agencies revealed a layer of corruption enabled by the intersecting evils that he observed. For years, the FBI monitored him, and actively worked to neutralize his voice by (among other things) blackmailing him and encouraging him to commit suicide.
Finally, King effectively forecast the climate crisis that emerged decades after his assassination. Today, humanity confronts an advancing global catastrophe that we could have averted had Washington heeded his voice instead of vilifying him.
As our nation continues to stumble into moral and policy pitfalls that he identified over half a century ago, the real legacy of Dr. King’s work grows only more relevant with every passing day.
Most Americans today remember the civil rights movement as a story of triumph. In this age of racial reckoning, we should remember, however, that the most pressing demands of civil rights organizations in the 1960s—like the right to be able to buy a hamburger, or to be free from foreign wars for conquest and corporate plunder—were rejected in favor of voting rights and anti-discrimination principles.
Not only were the movement’s greatest aspirations frustrated, but even the important concessions extracted from the establishment have withered in the years since then. The Supreme Court gutted the Voting Rights Act in its 2013 Shelby County decision, setting the stage for today’s attacks on democracy unfolding in state legislatures across the country.
While the civil rights movement was righteous, and appealed to the best parts of our nation’s conscience, it fell on the shoals of the continuing racism that many liberals have come to recognize only recently.
Remember MLK not as a triumphant victor over injustice, but rather as a tragic victim of it whose work remains unfinished today.
King’s experience also illuminates another dimension of white supremacy beyond racism: its aspect of preserving existing power.
Most Americans today think of Dr. King as a national hero. In his own time, however, he endured vicious attacks from our government before he was taken from us. The FBI actively spied on him. Paid government agents encouraged him to commit suicide. He faced critics from across the political spectrum who had been driven to hate him by propaganda.
On the one hand, while King’s experience at the hands of the FBI’s Counter Intelligence Programs (COINTELPRO) were secret at the time, they were eventually revealed by the Church and Pike committee investigations that birthed today’s Senate and House Intelligence committees.
And the discovery of those programs and their voluminous abuses helped prompt legal restrictions. Congress passed statutes including the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA), while the executive branch also issued guidance, like the Attorney General’s Guidelines put in place to avert the imposition of a statutory charter to constrain the Bureau.
On the other hand, the various legal restrictions imposed on the agencies during the Watergate era have all been watered down to once again enable similar domestic surveillance abuses. FISA was gutted in 2009 with the support of then Senator Barack Obama, while the Attorney General’s Guidelines have been diluted on at least half a dozen occasions since they were imposed in 1979.
Our government's attacks on dissent by figures including MLK inspired my work over the past two decades to address the assault on our democracy from the FBI to local police departments. No candidate for public office in the country has done more to challenge secret government surveillance over the past twenty years.
Beyond demonstrating the effectiveness of government marginalizing dissent, and the continuing frustrations of a movement whose aims have yet to be secured in policy, King also named the precursors to the climate crisis. It has grown to the point of global catastrophe precisely because, under the leadership of both corporate political parties, Washington chose to follow the money, ignoring his warnings.
Today, we all the pay the price. It will weigh even more heavily on the future.
In King’s era, scientists had already come to recognize the greenhouse effect. Fossil fuel companies would soon start working to suppress public awareness of its profound implications. Public concern about the climate crisis would take another generation, but even in his own time, King named its components—consumerism, racism, and militarism—as “intersecting evils.”
Millennials and Zoomers concerned about the climate crisis are right to bemoan the failures that preceded them. The world they inherit has been effectively poisoned, from the oceans to the atmosphere. Meanwhile, the slavish dedication to capital that continues to drive federal policy ensures that the plunder, for now, will only continue.
But those failures are not those of older generations. Indeed, they’re failures of not any generation, but rather a set of effectively permanent corporate institutions that outlive and co-opt them all. Dr. King championed the very same interests of today’s intersectional climate activists over 60 years ago.
History has proven King’s prescience. It grows only more profound by the day.
It’s long past time for Washington, and Americans, to finally heed the lessons that Dr. King tried to teach—as well as those we could learn from the establishment’s vicious response to him in his own era, and its continuing attempts to water down and neutralize his legacy today.
May the memory of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. be a blessing to all of us.
What did MLK stand for?
Every year, our nation poetically recalls Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. But most who remember Dr. King water down his legacy as a socialist critic of military industrial corruption. Liberals tend to recall his inspiring odes to color blindness, while conveniently overlooking his broader vision.
First, Dr. King issued blistering critiques of how racism, militarism, and capitalism intersect, as well as the complicity of “the white moderate” who settles for order at the cost of justice. While the civil rights movement that he helped lead is celebrated today for its victories, it was ultimately denied its most transformative goals.
Second, his experience at the hands of government intelligence agencies revealed a layer of corruption enabled by the intersecting evils that he observed. For years, the FBI monitored him, and actively worked to neutralize his voice by (among other things) blackmailing him and encouraging him to commit suicide.
Finally, King effectively forecast the climate crisis that emerged decades after his assassination. Today, humanity confronts an advancing global catastrophe that we could have averted had Washington heeded his voice instead of vilifying him.
As our nation continues to stumble into moral and policy pitfalls that he identified over half a century ago, the real legacy of Dr. King’s work grows only more relevant with every passing day.
Most Americans today remember the civil rights movement as a story of triumph. In this age of racial reckoning, we should remember, however, that the most pressing demands of civil rights organizations in the 1960s—like the right to be able to buy a hamburger, or to be free from foreign wars for conquest and corporate plunder—were rejected in favor of voting rights and anti-discrimination principles.
Not only were the movement’s greatest aspirations frustrated, but even the important concessions extracted from the establishment have withered in the years since then. The Supreme Court gutted the Voting Rights Act in its 2013 Shelby County decision, setting the stage for today’s attacks on democracy unfolding in state legislatures across the country.
While the civil rights movement was righteous, and appealed to the best parts of our nation’s conscience, it fell on the shoals of the continuing racism that many liberals have come to recognize only recently.
Remember MLK not as a triumphant victor over injustice, but rather as a tragic victim of it whose work remains unfinished today.
King’s experience also illuminates another dimension of white supremacy beyond racism: its aspect of preserving existing power.
Most Americans today think of Dr. King as a national hero. In his own time, however, he endured vicious attacks from our government before he was taken from us. The FBI actively spied on him. Paid government agents encouraged him to commit suicide. He faced critics from across the political spectrum who had been driven to hate him by propaganda.
On the one hand, while King’s experience at the hands of the FBI’s Counter Intelligence Programs (COINTELPRO) were secret at the time, they were eventually revealed by the Church and Pike committee investigations that birthed today’s Senate and House Intelligence committees.
And the discovery of those programs and their voluminous abuses helped prompt legal restrictions. Congress passed statutes including the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA), while the executive branch also issued guidance, like the Attorney General’s Guidelines put in place to avert the imposition of a statutory charter to constrain the Bureau.
On the other hand, the various legal restrictions imposed on the agencies during the Watergate era have all been watered down to once again enable similar domestic surveillance abuses. FISA was gutted in 2009 with the support of then Senator Barack Obama, while the Attorney General’s Guidelines have been diluted on at least half a dozen occasions since they were imposed in 1979.
Our government's attacks on dissent by figures including MLK inspired my work over the past two decades to address the assault on our democracy from the FBI to local police departments. No candidate for public office in the country has done more to challenge secret government surveillance over the past twenty years.
Beyond demonstrating the effectiveness of government marginalizing dissent, and the continuing frustrations of a movement whose aims have yet to be secured in policy, King also named the precursors to the climate crisis. It has grown to the point of global catastrophe precisely because, under the leadership of both corporate political parties, Washington chose to follow the money, ignoring his warnings.
Today, we all the pay the price. It will weigh even more heavily on the future.
In King’s era, scientists had already come to recognize the greenhouse effect. Fossil fuel companies would soon start working to suppress public awareness of its profound implications. Public concern about the climate crisis would take another generation, but even in his own time, King named its components—consumerism, racism, and militarism—as “intersecting evils.”
Millennials and Zoomers concerned about the climate crisis are right to bemoan the failures that preceded them. The world they inherit has been effectively poisoned, from the oceans to the atmosphere. Meanwhile, the slavish dedication to capital that continues to drive federal policy ensures that the plunder, for now, will only continue.
But those failures are not those of older generations. Indeed, they’re failures of not any generation, but rather a set of effectively permanent corporate institutions that outlive and co-opt them all. Dr. King championed the very same interests of today’s intersectional climate activists over 60 years ago.
History has proven King’s prescience. It grows only more profound by the day.
It’s long past time for Washington, and Americans, to finally heed the lessons that Dr. King tried to teach—as well as those we could learn from the establishment’s vicious response to him in his own era, and its continuing attempts to water down and neutralize his legacy today.
May the memory of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. be a blessing to all of us.
Yours,
Shahid
Pelosi’s party patronage network vs the press
One reason I’m so grateful for our thousands of supporters is the litany of headwinds that we continue to confront. A story published by the San Francisco Examiner offers the latest example of one of them.
Can you stand with us to help level the playing field?
Some of the obstacles we work to overcome are predictable, like the 15:1 fundraising deficit against Pelosi that we faced even after raising $1.6 million in 2020.
Some are at least generalizable among candidates to entrenched incumbents, like the global pandemic that has forced profound changes in campaign tactics over the past two years.
Others among our challenges, however, appear unique to our race. Personally, I see them as reflections of how crucial our campaign is, and how much damage we have already done to the bipartisan consensus underlying corporate rule in Washington.
The latest example of biased journalism about our race is a story in the San Francisco Examiner exploring the hypothetical possibility that Nancy Pelosi might retire.
First, the story’s premise indulges a fantasy that we all might share, despite the incumbent’s repeated and continuing statements rejecting any suggestion that she retire.
Continuing the theme of indulging conjecture over the facts, the story also focuses entirely on hypothetical candidates who aren’t even running for the seat, while ignoring the one who is not only running, but just won the 2020 primary and then 81,000 votes in November.
It’s almost as if journalists allow DNC operatives to write their stories for them.
Beyond suppressing public visibility of challengers to corporate incumbents, the willingness of journalists to overlook conflicts of interest among establishment politicians and their patronage networks is an even worse example of biased journalism.
For instance, the DCCC blacklist in 2020 incentivized sabotage by former campaign workers, who in several races across the country were co-opted by the establishment to undermine campaigns that they had once worked for.
The most profound example of biased journalism, however, is the press covering Pelosi stenographically, without noting whenever quoting her that she has ducked debates for 34 years.
The press plays a constitutional role: to inform the public. Covering career politicians—or those who represent intergenerational dynasties—without observing their machinations to evade public scrutiny is a failure of not only independence, but ultimately, ethics.
This deference to establishment power threatens the very purpose of journalism: informing the public to enable meaningful democracy.
We know that we confront the most tilted field in U.S. politics, because the incumbent we challenge is the most powerful in the country. While it may be disappointing to observe how the cards are arrayed against us, the bias we have faced among institutions—from ActBlue to Wikipedia, and from the SF Examiner to the Intercept—only strengthens my resolve to secure the transparency and accountability on which democracy and human rights depend.
Thanks for choosing to stand with me! As an immigrant facing a powerful oligarch to defend values that you & I share, I need your help and can’t do it without you.
Happy MLK weekend,
Shahid
PS – You’ll hear from me again this weekend about the Martin Luther King, Jr., holiday, and some of the many ways in which Dr. King’s legacy has been watered down and co-opted by the establishment. For now, take a few minutes to read (or, if you prefer, listen to) his iconic Letter from Birmingham Jail. It remains eerily relevant to U.S. politics despite being nearly 60 years old. I’ll explain my analysis of its significance in a few days.
Tired of #AnyBlueWillDo yet?
Today, Senators Kyrsten Sinema (D-AZ) and Joe Manchin (D-WV) reiterated their continuing opposition to changes in Senate rules, including filibuster reform. Given the razor-thin Democratic majority in the Senate, their position more or less dooms the Biden administration’s plans with respect to a wide range of issues.
It also threatens principles at the core of our democracy, including voting rights, as well as majority rule in the Senate.
In 2017, I wrote an article for Truthout titled “Elusive Victories: Voting Rights, Desegregation and the Erosion of Civil Rights.” In it, I explained how policy victories that many have taken for granted had largely eroded under our feet:
The Voting Rights Act (VRA) eventually grew widely supported across the political spectrum. Under the Bush administration, in 2006, when the Senate was controlled by Republicans whose party opposed voting rights in other forums, the chamber passed a bill to reauthorize the VRA’s provisions by a unanimous vote.
At the time, Rep. James Sensenbrenner (R-Wisconsin) said, “The Voting Rights Act is vital to America’s commitment to never again permit racial prejudices in the electoral process.” Then House Majority Leader John Boehner (R-Ohio) described the VRA as “an effective tool in protecting a right that is fundamental to our democracy.”
15 years ago, House Republicans were more willing to commit to voting rights than Democratic Senators are today.
Seven years later, in 2013, the Supreme Court struck down one of the VRA’s most critical provisions as unconstitutional in Shelby County v. Holder….
Predictably, over a dozen states assaulted voting rights in the wake of the Shelby decision. Although courts in several jurisdictions did intervene before the 2016 election, those new rules suppressing voters could alone account for the result of the 2016 presidential race. It was the first in 40 years conducted without the VRA’s full protections.
But even before the Shelby case, voting rights had been largely eviscerated, reduced to a shadow of the civil rights movement’s goal of securing rights to fair and equal representation. The right to merely cast a ballot in no way correlates to fair representation, which the Supreme Court has affirmatively rejected as a component of voting rights….
Narratives describing the historic victories for voting rights obscure the ultimate reality. What few gains the civil rights movement did secure, unfortunately, on the most part did not survive.
We know that Sinema & Manchin are playing the same roles played at other points by figures including Nancy Pelosi, Chuck Schumer, and the parade of corporate Democrats who surround them.
Democrats in Washington play a shell game to protect Wall Street from We the People of the United States.
Today, it’s Manchin & Sinema.
But capital has many allies throughout the Democratic Party, including the millionaires who lead it.
We recognize how deeply corrupted the political process has become. It’s exactly why I’m running for public office, and why I think that my voice—and the movement we are building together—can help make a difference with your support.
Shahid
20 years of indefinite detention without charge or trial
Twenty years ago, the Pentagon opened the detention facility at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. Today, it continues to hold nearly 40 men there at a per capita cost of $13 million / year.
Would you rather see our federal resources spent on medicine than human rights abuses?
I’m running for Congress to force Washington to address issues that both parties have instead chosen to ignore. President Obama pledged to close Guantanamo over a decade ago, yet the facility absurdly remains open.
The bipartisan consensus enabling the Washington war machine is what drove me to seek political office in the first place. Long before ever considering serving in Congress, I explained the horrors of indefinite detention on behalf of Witness Against Torture at an event commemorating a previous anniversary of the Guantanamo Bay detention & torture facility.

Too many voices in Washington remain beholden to the military-industrial complex instead of human rights.
Many voices pretend that the problems in our country are partisan. And while the GOP is increasingly committed to open fascism, it would reflect ignorance of how fascism works to imagine that Democrats have not proven repeatedly complicit in it.
I pay too much attention to policy to be distracted by partisan noise. That’s why I’ve long seen through the ruse of Democratic Party politics, and also why I’ve spent decades fighting bipartisan corruption in the capital.
Can you join us today to help finally bring indefinite detention in military custody to an end?
Every Member of Congress swears an oath to defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic.
Most don’t understand our Constitution well enough to fulfill that oath.
I do, however, and began following it long before running for office. With your support, I hope to make the oath of office mean something, and to help stop the next war before it starts.
Thanks for standing with me, and with human rights!
Yours,
Shahid